What is Broadsheet gate Scandal? Explained |NAB|PM Imran Khan| Opposition|Kaveh Moussavi
ON
one of his trips to Karachi towards the middle of 2000, Pakistan’s ‘chief
executive’ and army chief Gen Pervez Musharraf agreed to a meeting requested by
one the country’s most prominent business figures known for his services, and
close ties, to the military top brass.
The meeting, in the VVIP
lounge of Karachi Airport, just before Gen Musharraf was to take off on his
return flight by a special aircraft to Rawalpindi, had a one-point agenda. The
business figure asked for the general’s help as he was being ‘unfairly hounded’
by NAB.
NAB, or the National
Accountability Bureau, was set up soon after Musharraf’s October 1999 coup with
the avowed task of rooting out corruption in the country and the repatriation
of ‘looted’ national wealth in cases where it had been taken abroad.
Lt-Gen Syed Mohammad Amjad
had been named the first NAB chairman. He belonged to a rare breed of officers.
Very rare in recent decades. His colleagues and juniors talk of a man committed
to principles and contemptuously divorced from any material considerations.
Even
as a general, when rules allow the personal use of the staff car, Lt-Gen Amjad
would visit friends in his personal, rickety old Suzuki Swift without the usual
fanfare. He betrayed none of the proclivities many of his colleagues and
successors in the military and NAB show/would show.
The
competence that has underlined NAB and its actions has cost us dearly now and
even in 2008
This
was the profile of the man Gen Musharraf would need to talk to in order get NAB
to lay off the seemingly servile billionaire, who was said to have had his
share of skeletons in the cupboard. Musharraf told him ‘not to worry’, shook
hands, boarded his plane and took off.
One account, which could not
be verified independently, suggested Gen Musharraf contacted Lt-Gen Amjad as he
was in the lounge and asked him to ‘go easy’ on the businessman. It isn’t clear
whether there was any connection between this and Amjad’s exit from NAB, but a
few months later he was gone.
Given what the officers who
served alongside Amjad on his various postings say about him, it wouldn’t be
surprising if Musharraf’s intervention prompted his decision. It would not fit
into his scheme of things to ‘go easy’ on someone he considered unclean.
This was the upside. The
downside was that the ‘asset recovery agreement’ NAB concluded with Broadsheet
of the Isle of Man, reportedly without getting it vetted by the law ministry,
after the chairman was satisfied it would deliver and Musharraf agreed, had
lacunae.
This was at the centre of the
Broadsheet award of some $21 million plus legal expenses, interests, etc,
announced by the London Court of International Arbitration where the firm,
which is in liquidation, took NAB and the government of Pakistan to claim more
than half a billion dollars.
Pakistan moved the high court
for a ‘quantum reduction’ but lost the case and Broadsheet liquidator then went
into the ‘enforcement’ mode and some $28m were taken out of the Pakistan High
Commission account, which, experts say, does not constitute the final
settlement.
The issue needs to be settled
quickly because the outstanding amount of the award will incur hundreds of
thousands of pounds in interest payments in a matter of months.
The competence that has
underlined NAB and its actions has cost us dearly now and even in 2008 when the
wrong Broadsheet, ie one registered by Jerry James in Denver, Colorado, was
paid $1.5m by the legal expert representing NAB without ascertaining the
antecedents of the beneficiary. James had sold the original Broadsheet, Isle of
Man, after financial problems. Any possibility of retrieving that payment died
with James’s suicide in Paris.
Bizarrely, the agreement NAB
concluded with Broadsheet in 2000 and rescinded in 2003, apparently without
having a keen legal eye go over the wording, is costing Pakistan millions of
dollars some two decades later and not bringing back looted wealth.
It is still not in the public
domain why the agreement was rescinded in 2003. The only plausible explanation
would be that, by then, Nawaz Sharif and family were out of the picture and in
exile. Also, the 2002 elections had been held and, despite his security
services machinations, Musharraf’s surrogate party fell short of a majority.
This forced Musharraf to
compromise on accountability as he moved to secure a change in the loyalties of
some ‘corrupt’ PPP politicians who formed the ‘PPP Patriots’ and supported his
candidate for prime minister. In short, Musharraf’s political ambitions spelt
an end to any move against ‘plunderers of the national wealth’.
Even if there were other
reasons for the agreement rescission, it was handled with such incompetence
that it has cost the country dearly. But having read a letter written by the
lawyers of Broadsheet LLC (in liquidation) to the lawyers of NAB and the
‘Islamic Republic of Pakistan’ one gets the impression that incompetence is not
our sole domain, if that makes you feel any better.
This is a letter dated March
21, 2019, but refers to events supposed to have taken place in the ‘late summer
of 2019’ and ‘late 2019’. It also suggests that Imran Khan was prime minister
in July 2018 when he was not.
This letter, the contents of
which were regurgitated by Kaveh Moussavi, the Broadsheet CEO before it went
into liquidation, in several TV interviews aired or accessible in Pakistan, and
its chronological anomalies were not raised by any of the anchors interviewing
Mr Moussavi.
It is clear Mr Moussavi is
trying hard to get another agreement with Pakistan. He can’t be faulted for
pushing things in his interest. His demand, that the detailed judgement of UK
judge Sir Anthony Evans is published by the Pakistan government, is one with
merit.
It can potentially
demonstrate why a process of accountability, which was supposed to return
allegedly looted wealth to the national coffers, ended up costing the exchequer
so many millions. It may also show the way to avoid such embarrassing setbacks
in future
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